By Charlotte Brooks
Between the early 1900s and the past due Nineteen Fifties, the attitudes of white Californians towards their Asian American associates advanced from outright hostility to relative recognition. Charlotte Brooks examines this variation throughout the lens of California’s city housing markets, arguing that the perceived foreignness of Asian american citizens, which firstly stranded them in segregated parts, ultimately facilitated their integration into neighborhoods that defied different minorities. opposed to the backdrop of chilly warfare efforts to win Asian hearts and minds, whites who observed little distinction among Asians and Asian american citizens more and more encouraged the latter group’s entry to middle-class existence and the residential components that went with it. yet as they remodeled Asian americans right into a “model minority,” whites purposefully missed the lengthy backstory of chinese language and eastern americans’ early and mostly failed makes an attempt to take part in private and non-private housing courses. As Brooks tells this multifaceted tale, she attracts on a extensive diversity of resources in a number of languages, giving voice to an array of neighborhood leaders, reporters, activists, and homeowners—and insightfully conveying the complexity of racialized housing in a multiracial society.
Read or Download Alien Neighbors, Foreign Friends: Asian Americans, Housing, and the Transformation of Urban California PDF
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Extra info for Alien Neighbors, Foreign Friends: Asian Americans, Housing, and the Transformation of Urban California
Furthermore, residential segregation did not politically benefit San Francisco’s Chinese Americans the way it did African Americans elsewhere in the North. 75 In San Francisco, however, naturalization laws prevented the majority of Chinese American adults from voting, and the weakness of their homeland left them even less protected than the smaller Japanese American population of the city. Indeed, the only real role that residential segregation gave Chinese Americans in local politics was an unenviable and familiar one: they remained a conveniently visible symbol of racial threat for politicians and labor leaders alike.
22 The catastrophic 1906 earthquake stopped growth for only a short period. Within a few years, builders replaced the devastated Victorians of the older areas with more efficient twoand three-flat homes and apartment buildings. Mediterranean stucco and Arts and Crafts style bungalows sprouted in the newer and more fashionable areas. Turn-of-the-century San Francisco remained a solidly working-class city with a national reputation for union activism and power. 23 Still, the union-affiliated anti-Chinese movement continued to influence San Francisco politics at all levels well into the 1930s.
In the 1890s and early 1900s, tens of thousands of Japanese began immigrating to the Pacific Coast. Even as San Francisco nativists campaigned for permanent Chinese exclusion, they saw the Japanese as an even greater threat. “The struggle now is to exclude all Asiatic laborers,” argued Jerome A. Hart in the Grizzly Bear, the magazine of the Native Sons. ” While most Japanese came to California to farm, union leaders called all of them “cheap” laborers who would undermine white wages. The newly formed Asiatic Exclusion League also dredged up familiar arguments about low Asian living and moral standards to make its case for exclusion.
Alien Neighbors, Foreign Friends: Asian Americans, Housing, and the Transformation of Urban California by Charlotte Brooks